Justice for sale: Ticket-fixing on a massive scale
“Corporations First.” That’s the slogan that would truthfully describe the Trump administration’s approach to law enforcement, not “America First.”A new investigation by my organization shows that the Trump
administration is dropping investigations and enforcement actions against
corporations that showered money on Trump’s inauguration earlier this year.
Seventy-one big businesses, which were facing at least 102
ongoing federal enforcement actions at the time of Trump’s inauguration,
collectively gave a whopping $57 million to the Trump-Vance inaugural
fund, we
found. And many may now be collecting special favors.
Trump’s inaugural haul from corporations facing
investigations and lawsuits alone is comparable to the total amount
raised for the inaugurations of President Obama in 2009 ($53 million) and Biden
in 2021 ($62 million). And it’s just a third of the record-breaking $239 million Trump
collected overall, $153 million of which came from corporate donors.
Regardless of president or party, private funding for the presidential inauguration poses a serious threat of corrupt influence buying by corporations and the wealthy. Unlike the vast majority of Americans, they can ingratiate themselves to an incoming administration with six- and seven-figure checks.
Donations by for-profit corporations are particularly
suspect — corporations’ purpose, after all, is to amass wealth for private
investors, an agenda that frequently pits them against laws and regulations
that protect consumers, workers, and the broader public interest.
We may not know exactly what favors corporations might seek.
But it’s reasonable to assume that getting rid of penalties or investigations
for ripping off consumers, exploiting workers, polluting our environment, and
engaging in illegal and unfair business practices would be high on the list.
Public Citizen has compiled a list of more than 500
enforcement actions against corporations that the Trump administration
inherited from the Biden administration. During President Trump’s first 100
days alone, federal agencies halted or dropped at
least 126 of these enforcement actions.
These include actions against 15 corporate inauguration
donors whose cases were dismissed or withdrawn, plus six whose cases were
halted. These 21 corporations collectively donated $18 million to the inaugural
fund.
These include companies accused of violating consumer
financial protections, such Bank of America, Capital One, JPMorgan, and
Walmart; some crypto businesses accused of violating securities laws, such as
Coinbase, Crypto.com, Kraken, and Ripple; private prison corporations that
allegedly mistreated inmates, like CoreCivic and GEO Group; and businesses
accused of engaging in illegal bribery schemes in foreign countries, including
Cognizant, Pfizer, and Toyota.
Time will tell whether the payments by other big corporate
inauguration donors — like Amazon, Apple, Boeing, FedEx, Goldman Sachs, Google,
Johnson & Johnson, Nvidia, and Pilgrim’s Pride — will see enforcement go
away, too.
To be fair, some cases against corporate inauguration donors
do appear to be proceeding unhindered. The antitrust cases against Google and
Meta are proceeding, the FTC’s case against Uber for deceptive
billing practices has been filed, and Gilead Pharmaceuticals is being
required to pay $202
million to settle allegations of paying illegal kickbacks to doctors.
These signs of ongoing enforcement are a good thing. But
among the more than 100 cases being dropped and halted, they’re exceptional.
Because of the mass firings of federal workers at enforcement agencies, they
likely represent the conclusion of past enforcement efforts, not the
continuation of an ongoing trend.
Dropping corporate cases en masse, as the Trump
administration is doing, is a greenlight for corporate lawlessness. It portends
a return to recklessness and greed that fueled corporate catastrophes like Wall
Street’s 2008 financial crisis, the Oxycontin-fueled opioid crisis, BP’s oil
spill disaster, and Boeing’s deadly 737 Max crashes.
It is the definition of “corporations first.”
Rick
Claypool is a research director for Public Citizen, where he focuses on
corporate crime and wrongdoing and the ways corporate power distorts democracy.
This op-ed was distributed by OtherWords.org.