He kept his promises to them
The pesticide industry has spent decades building a highly effective influence operation in Washington D.C., shaping how pesticides are regulated and how American agriculture operates. Its political influence did not begin with the Trump administration and has extended across both Republican and Democratic administrations.
But over the past 18 months, the Trump administration has
delivered a string of victories to the pesticide industry that could reshape
pesticide use and public health protections for years to come.
This tracker documents the Trump administration’s favors to
the pesticide industry since January 2025.
Personnel is policy: The Trump administration
has filled many key posts with pesticide industry allies. U.S. Right to Know
identified 26
administration officials with ties to the pesticide industry’s
lobbying or legal network, including 11 political appointees at the U.S.
Environmental Protection Agency, where former chemical industry lobbyists now
occupy the four highest-ranking positions overseeing federal pesticide
regulations.
More PFAS pesticide approvals: In July 2026,
EPA approved three new pesticide active ingredients that
many scientists classify as PFAS, bringing the total number of PFAS pesticides
approved since November 2025 to five. PFAS “forever chemicals” are highly
persistent and linked
to serious health problems including cancer, birth defects, hormone
disruption, liver and thyroid disease. Many scientists and regulators classify PFAS as substances containing at
least one fully fluorinated methyl or methylene carbon atom, but EPA uses a
narrower definition adopted in 2023 that excludes compounds containing only one
fluorinated carbon.
Weakened endangered species protections: In July
2026, the Trump administration completed changes to Endangered Species Act regulations –
including rescinding the longstanding regulatory definition of “harm” – that
could make it easier for the EPA to approve pesticides with fewer safeguards
for threatened and endangered species.
Legal triumph for Bayer: In June 2026, the Supreme Court sided with the Trump administration and Bayer in a 7–2 decision likely to block thousands of state-level lawsuits alleging that Bayer failed to warn consumers that Roundup causes cancer. The ruling gives greater legal weight to EPA’s approval of pesticide labels, making it harder for injured people to argue under state law that a manufacturer should have provided stronger warnings than EPA required. For decades, state failure-to-warn claims served as an independent check on EPA pesticide approvals, allowing juries to hold manufacturers accountable even when EPA had approved a pesticide label. The Court’s ruling narrows the pathway through which injured Americans can sue corporations that cause harm.
Reshaping chemical safety assessments via NAMs: In June 2026, the Trump administration announced it will expand the use of New Approach Methods (NAMs) – such as AI-powered computer models and cell-based tests – to evaluate industrial chemicals. The agency is also developing NAMs approaches for pesticides and endocrine disruptors. Many scientists support NAMs as a way to reduce animal testing and improve toxicity screening, but emphasize the new methods should complement not replace well-established evidence from animal and human studies. Critics argue that EPA is moving ahead without sufficiently validated scientific standards for NAMs, raising concerns that pesticide and other chemical risks could be underestimated.
Backtracked on atrazine protections: In May
2026, the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service concluded that atrazine is unlikely to jeopardize
threatened or endangered species, reversing an earlier federal finding that
atrazine is likely to harm more than 1,000 protected species.
The decision removed a regulatory obstacle for the widely used herbicide that
is banned in the European Union and many other countries due to concerns about
its impacts on human
health and the environment.
Boosted Bayer again at the Supreme Court: In
March 2026, the Trump Justice Department submitted a second brief to the Supreme Court supporting Bayer’s
position in Monsanto v. Durnell, arguing that federal
pesticide law preempts state failure-to-warn claims that would require warning
labels not approved by EPA. The brief was signed by three top Justice
Department officials who had previously
worked for law firms representing Bayer.
Withdrew from international cancer research agency: In
March 2026, the National Institutes of Health ended its collaboration with the International Agency
for Research on Cancer (IARC), the World Health Organization’s cancer research
agency. As a result, U.S. government scientists can no longer participate in
IARC’s work, and the world’s leading independent cancer research agency may
lose funding and research capacity.
IARC has long been a target of the pesticide industry. After
IARC classified glyphosate as “probably carcinogenic to humans” in 2015,
internal Monsanto
documents revealed plans to “orchestrate outrage” against the agency
and undermine its credibility.
Glyphosate elevated as national security priority: In
February 2026, President Trump signed an executive order declaring glyphosate-based herbicides
and elemental phosphorus – a raw material used in glyphosate production and
military weaponry – critical to national defense and directing the federal
government to prioritize their domestic production. Bayer is the sole U.S.
producer of both glyphosate and elemental phosphorus.
Dicamba reapproved: In February 2026, EPA restored over-the-top use of dicamba herbicides on
dicamba-tolerant GMO soybean and cotton crops after two federal courts vacated
previous approvals. The decision revives profitable pesticide industry product
lines despite years of litigation over widespread crop damage caused by dicamba drift.
Internal Monsanto documents disclosed in litigation
indicate company scientists anticipated drift-related damage
before the products reached the market. See our dicamba fact sheet and
link to the Dicamba
Papers, key documents and analysis of lawsuits involving dicamba.
Relented on paraquat: In January 2026, EPA
announced it would “freshly reassess” paraquat, describing
the move as “More MAHA Progress!” But the agency did not initiate a
new review of paraquat’s links to Parkinson’s disease or impose new
restrictions on the herbicide. Instead, EPA continued a registration review
already underway and requested additional data from manufacturers. Paraquat is banned for
agricultural use in many countries due to health
and environmental concerns. EPA maintains that existing evidence does not
establish a definitive link between paraquat and Parkinson’s disease or cancer.
Backed Bayer’s bid to block state cancer lawsuits: One
of the Trump administration’s most powerful actions for the pesticide industry
came in December 2025, when the Justice Department urged the Supreme Court to hear Monsanto v.
Durnell, and argued that federal pesticide law preempts many state-law
failure-to-warn claims. The filing reversed the legal position taken by the Biden administration.
Bayer’s stock price jumped at the news.
That same week, a toxicology journal
retracted a highly influential glyphosate safety review after
concluding Monsanto employees had ghostwritten portions of the paper. Two other
influential papers that helped shape the scientific and regulatory debate over
glyphosate have since come under investigation for allegations of ghostwriting.
Decimated EPA’s research arm and gutted scientific
capacity: In July 2025, the Trump administration began dismantling EPA’s Office of Research and
Development (ORD), the agency’s principal scientific research arm. ORD provides
much of the independent scientific analyses and technical expertise EPA relies
on to evaluate whether pesticides and industrial chemicals may cause cancer,
harm children’s development, disrupt hormones or threaten ecosystems. Current
and former EPA scientists warned the changes will weaken the scientific
foundation for chemical and pesticide regulations, making it harder for EPA to conduct rigorous,
independent safety assessments and increasing industry influence over
regulatory decisions.
Eliminated pesticide-use recordkeeping
requirements: In June 2025, USDA rescinded regulations that had required farmers to
keep basic records documenting when, where and how they applied restricted-use pesticides, including products containing
paraquat, atrazine, dicamba, chlorpyrifos and other hazardous pesticides. The
recordkeeping requirements – which helped regulators verify compliance with
pesticide laws, investigate health and environmental issues, and document
enforcement of public health laws – had been in place since the 1990s.
